Draft Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement on IP
Here's a development you might wish to follow. Some analysts say it is even more dangerous than pernicious ACTA to the public interest. Those countries in the L & CA region with a Pacific littoral may be party to it. https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2012/08/tpp-creates-liabilities-isps-and-put-y... - Carlton ============================== Carlton A Samuels Mobile: 876-818-1799 *Strategy, Planning, Governance, Assessment & Turnaround* =============================
Bula Vinaka [Greetings and when *translated* means Long Life and Good Health], Thank you Carlton for an interesting link. It felt like yesterday when a community that I am a part of blacklisted our website protesting SOPA. What is apparent and has been unfolding within the last four years is a clear manifestation of a strategic and planned rolled out. They will not stop. It is no secret that the alliance forged has very clearly mapped out strategic focal areas namely:- - lobbying collectively within WIPO and other strategic forums; - identification of catalysts within nation countries to pass laws that are compatible for extraterritorial jurisdictional enforcement. In normal speak, it means that if it is a criminal offence in Country A and it is a criminal offence in Country B, then we can cooperate. I am not averse to the protection of Intellectual Property rights but there are principles such as "fair use" for instance that can get lost in the process. It is critical that communities are involved in their law making process and make submissions within the domestic fora that count. The Internet has completely revolutionised people's access to information, knowledge and communication. We have seen culture and heritage preserved as with the Basque community and there are countries in the world where there are huge barriers such as transportation. I know of some islands in the Pacific where transportation is irregular and not frequent and increasing oil prices have not helped. To a large extent this has inhibited their capacity to be able to update their library collection is they are schools etc. Which is why access to the internet and bridging the digital divide will always remain an issue and whilst countries are struggling with things like SPAM, barriers to access of information such as those to be imposed by draconian laws could prove a setback for some of these communities and particularly for small islands developing states. Bottom line, the question is if you already have limited access [infrastructure/availability and affordability - not to mention that being undercut by things like spam] why would anyone want to further hinder this access? Sala On Thu, Aug 30, 2012 at 11:00 AM, Carlton Samuels <carlton.samuels@gmail.com
wrote:
Here's a development you might wish to follow. Some analysts say it is even more dangerous than pernicious ACTA to the public interest. Those countries in the L & CA region with a Pacific littoral may be party to it.
https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2012/08/tpp-creates-liabilities-isps-and-put-y...
- Carlton
============================== Carlton A Samuels Mobile: 876-818-1799 *Strategy, Planning, Governance, Assessment & Turnaround* ============================= _______________________________________________ APAC-Discuss mailing list APAC-Discuss@atlarge-lists.icann.org https://atlarge-lists.icann.org/mailman/listinfo/apac-discuss
Homepage for the region: http://www.apralo.org
-- Salanieta Tamanikaiwaimaro aka Sala P.O. Box 17862 Suva Fiji Twitter: @SalanietaT Skype:Salanieta.Tamanikaiwaimaro Fiji Cell: +679 998 2851
On Thu, Aug 30, 2012 at 12:50 AM, Salanieta T. Tamanikaiwaimaro < salanieta.tamanikaiwaimaro@gmail.com> wrote:
Bottom line, the question is if you already have limited access [infrastructure/availability and affordability - not to mention that being undercut by things like spam] why would anyone want to further hinder this access?
Dear Sala: This is indeed the question for a lot of us. Thanks very much for the additional information and analytic approach. Without a doubt, the issues you outlined as common to Pacific island countries are shared in common in the so-called SIDS community. We here in the Caribbean understand completely and embrace the perspective you offer. - Carlton ============================== Carlton A Samuels Mobile: 876-818-1799 *Strategy, Planning, Governance, Assessment & Turnaround* =============================
Dear All, Whilst on the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the US Assistant Secretary Jose Fernandez made some remarks which are interesting. Worthwhile noting is the inclusion of Mexico, Canada and Japan. Here you go: Strengthening the U.S.-Taiwan Economic Relationship Remarks Jose W. Fernandez Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs American Chamber of Commerce Taipei, Taiwan August 5, 2012 ------------------------------ *I. **Introduction* Thank you. This is my first trip to Taiwan and I continue to marvel at the numerous cultural and economic ties that bind our people. One of our ties was illustrated to me as I read the paper this morning. I enjoyed seeing that Jeremy Lin’s visit took top billing in the newspaper, and the meeting between President Ma and I drew a little less attention. Let me give you just one example that is illustrative of the larger U.S. – Taiwan relationship. It is a great American tradition to start new companies in a home garage. In an Irvine, California garage in 1988 Linksys was born. The creators of this now ubiquitous line of home computer networking devices were Taiwan immigrants Janie and Victor Tsao. At the time they founded Linksys, they were also working as consultants specializing in pairing U.S. technology vendors with manufacturers in Taiwan. That pairing has become emblematic of the U.S. – Taiwan economic relationship. The latest numbers show that two-way trade between the United States and Taiwan in electrical machinery hovers around $23 billion per year. *II. **Strategic Rebalancing Toward Asia* While Taiwan has been exemplary as one of the so-called “Asian Tigers,” I want to put our economic relationship with Taiwan in the larger Asian context before discussing Taiwan specifically. That larger context is our work on the Trans Pacific Partnership, and the Select USA initiative. As you know, the global economic crisis of the past few years has pushed us in the United States to pursue our own economic recovery. This is a two-sided coin, with an eye toward regional trade liberalization on one side, and concerted efforts to attract more foreign investment to the United States on the other. At all levels of the U.S. government, we are broadening and deepening our economic relationships throughout the Asia Pacific region. We are acutely aware that reinvigorating our economy at home goes hand in hand with partnering on economic growth abroad. The United States has long been involved in developments in the Asia Pacific region. We are proud that our contributions to regional security here helped create the conditions that brought more people out of poverty faster than anywhere else in history. That engagement continues today and the futures of the United States and the Asia Pacific are inextricably linked. As Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has highlighted, we are not just a diplomatic or military power here. We are an economic force as well. In 2010 alone, our exports to the Pacific Rim were over $320 billion, supporting 850,000 American jobs. But our work is not finished. One of our country’s great challenges in this century will be to establish a stronger network of trade links and practices around the Pacific Rim. Our recently enacted Free Trade Agreements with South Korea and Colombia, and our commitment to the Trans-Pacific Partnership, are clear demonstrations that we are here to stay. I am proud to note that the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT) has been a very active promoter of these efforts. In fact, they have been so successful in working to promote America’s economic relationship with Taiwan that I was able to personally congratulate the former Director, Bill Stanton, on winning my award for export promotion in 2011. He also received the State Department’s coveted Cobb award for global trade promotion efforts. That’s two awards in the same year to one man, something that doesn’t happen very often in the State Department. The AIT team in Taipei and Kaohsiung (“GOW shung”) is carrying on that tradition and I expect great achievements from the incoming leadership team here in Taipei. All of these individual efforts fit into our larger work toward regional trade liberalization. Also supporting this effort is our commitment to the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Looking ahead to the next generation of trade agreements, we are aiming at crafting an agreement that addresses new and emerging trade issues and challenges. The Trans-Pacific Partnership, or TPP, includes the United States, along with Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Chile, Malaysia, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, and Vietnam. It is a high-standard, broad-based regional agreement. We see the TPP as the most credible pathway to broader Asia-Pacific regional economic integration. The agreement will include core issues traditionally found in trade agreements, such as industrial goods, agriculture, and textiles as well as rules on intellectual property, technical barriers to trade, labor, and the environment. But it will also address cross-cutting issues not previously found in trade agreements, such as making the regulatory systems of TPP countries more compatible so U.S. companies can operate more seamlessly in TPP markets. It will also help innovative, job-creating small- and medium-sized enterprises participate more actively in international trade. Equally important is addressing new emerging trade issues, such as trade and investment in innovative products and services, and ensuring that state-owned enterprises compete fairly with private companies and do not distort competition in ways that put U.S. companies and workers at a disadvantage. The United States is participating in the TPP as the best vehicle to advance our economic interests and to promote economic growth and development in the critical Asia-Pacific region. Expanding U.S. exports is critical to our economic recovery and to the creation and retention of high-quality jobs in the United States. With its rapid growth and large markets, there is no region with which expanding our trade is more vital than the Asia Pacific. The TPP countries recently announced the addition of Mexico and Canada to the negotiations. Late last year Japan also formally expressed interest in beginning consultations with TPP member countries with a view to possibly joining the negotiations. Candidate countries for TPP must demonstrate through their actions and through bilateral consultations with each TPP country their readiness to meet the standards and objectives of the agreement. Once those bilateral processes are concluded, the current TPP partners must decide by consensus before a new member can participate. In short, we are excited by the possibilities created in the Asia-Pacific by the TPP, and are working very hard to make it a reality by the end of this year. Let’s move on to another program we just started, Select USA. So one side of the coin of economic recovery is expanding opportunities for U.S. companies to do business effectively abroad. The other side of that coin is the work that we do at home to encourage investment in the United States. The United States consistently ranks at the top of most major indicators for its attractive business and investment climate. In fact, from 2006 through 2010, the United States received more FDI than any other country. The FDI flow into the United States in 2010 - $228 billion - was more than double the flow into any other country in the world, and despite economic difficulties of the time, 49 percent greater than the FDI flow into the United States in 2009. At the same time, total Taiwan direct investment flow in the United States was over $5 billion in 2010, an increase of 14.7% from 2009. Under a program called SelectUSA, the U.S. Departments of Commerce and State engage partners around the world, as I am doing here, to promote investment into our dynamic economy. SelectUSA showcases how the United States is the world’s premier business location and provides easy access to federal-level programs and services related to business investment. Why do I say that the United States is the world’s premier business location? Because we are the world’s largest economy; we consistently rank at the top of most major indicators for our attractive business and investment climate; our own investment in research and development makes us the world’s center for innovation; and our leadership in protecting intellectual property with a transparent and predictable legal system makes doing business in the U.S. both cost-efficient and secure. Also, one of the strongest reasons will always be the quality of our higher education, particularly in science and engineering. Taiwan people in the United States are well aware of this: 80 percent have achieved some level of higher education, particularly in these fields and in medicine. I understand that the U.S. regulatory environment can be daunting to some investors, but through our hardworking representatives at the American Institute in Taiwan, and SelectUSA and other U.S. government partners back in Washington, we can help connect investors with the business counseling and training they may need to comply with applicable regulations. We can also direct you to the different states’ economic development agencies, making sure you get connected to the right partners for your investment selection process. *III. **U. S. – Taiwan Economic Relations* Where does Taiwan figure into this picture? How can Taiwan partner with us and benefit from this wealth creation? Today, Taiwan is our 10th largest trading partner and our 15th largest export market. It would surprise many people but the United States actually trades more with Taiwan than with France; and Taiwan-U.S. trade is at near the same level as India-U.S. bilateral trade. The United States is Taiwan’s largest foreign investor, and Taiwan companies have made significant investments in the United States. Historically, the United States has been the strongest champion of Taiwan’s participation in global trade bodies such as the World Trade Organization and the APEC forum. Our strong economic relationship covers more than six decades. Taiwan has been an invaluable partner in influencing others to embrace reform and strive for economic growth. In recent years, however, this immensely valuable relationship has hit some bumps in the road that hinder our partnership and progress. We can’t afford these bumps and need to make sure that they do not detract from efforts to make full use of our potential. We were pleased to see that the Legislative Yuan recently took action that will clear the path for Taiwan to establish a maximum residue limit for ractopamine in beef, eliminating a serious impediment to U.S. beef imports. U.S. trade agencies will be monitoring implementation of the regulatory measures needed to allow U.S. beef imports to resume. These steps will be important in helping to rebuild confidence in our bilateral trade relationship. We know from our own experience that adhering to bilateral and multilateral trade commitments is not always easy, but it is essential to maintaining the credibility that serves as the foundation of what has long been a positive, constructive relationship between trading partners. Of course our bilateral economic relationship goes well beyond this particular issue and we have continued to engage Taiwan at the working level and via our capable colleagues at AIT on the full range of important bilateral trade and investment issues. For example, the United States worked for many years in support of Taiwan’s candidacy to join the WTO Government Procurement Agreement. These joint efforts were rewarded when Taiwan acceded to the Agreement in 2009. Taiwan has already made many reforms to its procurement practices, and we stand ready to assist as Taiwan continues to harmonize its measures with global best practices with regard to transparency, contract terms, and licensing. Taiwan has made tremendous progress over the years in improving intellectual property rights protection and enforcement, and the United States has carried out significant bilateral cooperation activities on intellectual property rights—IPR—issues. Still, challenges remain, including with regard to online infringement and the theft of trade secrets. During my time here in Taiwan I have visited companies that have had their technology stolen and heard their stories. For U.S. firms the protection of IPR is so vital because so many of our exports derive from IPR. A recent study estimated that 75% of U.S. exports involve IPR. Taiwan aspires to be an economy based on innovation, and together our unceasing efforts will ensure that Taiwan’s IPR enforcement regime meets the highest standards. Improved protection of trade secrets in Taiwan will help both foreign and domestic firms be competitive and innovative in today’s knowledge-based economy. The bottom line: we have made major progress over the years on many critical issues when both sides have been prepared to work together. The United States sincerely desires a reinvigorated trade relationship with Taiwan. It’s already generally good, but we can do better. Like the United States, Taiwan is also pursuing trade liberalization. We understand the Ma Administration has indicated a desire to be considered for the TPP in eight years. As a gold standard for future trade agreements in the region, the TPP requires members to embrace ambitious and comprehensive liberalization and open their markets to competition. We commend President Ma for recognizing the importance of trade integration, and for his expressed determination to push forward liberalization measures that would help Taiwan make its case as a possible candidate for future trade agreements. Change will not be easy, but the benefits of liberalization are clear: stronger and more competitive firms, better services, wider availability of products at lower prices, greater efficiency, and smoother integration into the world marketplace. More comprehensive economic liberalization will be an essential component for securing Taiwan's economic future. Real liberalization will demonstrate Taiwan's commitment to trade integration and potential inclusion in various trade arrangements. This includes comprehensive, bilateral FTAs—such as Taiwan's ongoing negotiations with Singapore—which is an important first step. As Taiwan's leaders implement meaningful market liberalization measures and pursue new trade agreements, firm resolve and commitment to free market principles as a responsible WTO member are essential attributes to live by. We look forward to deepening our trade and economic interaction with Taiwan. We will support Taiwan as it embraces these fundamental prerequisites to effective and meaningful trade integration. Everyone in this room is an important element of what we hope to do. *IV. **Next Steps & Conclusion* Just as Janie and Victor Tsao understood when they founded Linksys nearly 25 years ago, trade between Taiwan and the United States is vital to the prosperity of both. The United States and Taiwan have a long and positive history of cooperation and many shared interests in the region. We are hopeful that the positive recent steps Taiwan has taken to address the beef issue are a demonstration of the sustained commitment that will be needed to reenergize our bilateral trade dialogue. To be sure, Taiwan, like any democracy, will face tough choices in order to live up to its international obligations and to put its long-term economic interests above domestic politics. Taiwan is a part of the Asia-Pacific region’s economic future. We look forward to working with Taiwan as it builds cooperative and credible partnerships throughout the region, including with the United States.
Thanks for this Sala. The gentleman is telling Taiwan 'let not your heart be troubled' or become too alarmed by the 're-balancing' act; moving from bi-lateral trading relationship to a more multi-lateral profile that is the TPP. The message objective: TPP is intended to create a bigger pie. And if you wait and be of good cheer, a bigger slice comes to you. - Carlton ============================== Carlton A Samuels Mobile: 876-818-1799 *Strategy, Planning, Governance, Assessment & Turnaround* ============================= On Fri, Aug 31, 2012 at 2:23 PM, Salanieta T. Tamanikaiwaimaro < salanieta.tamanikaiwaimaro@gmail.com> wrote:
Dear All,
Whilst on the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the US Assistant Secretary Jose Fernandez made some remarks which are interesting. Worthwhile noting is the inclusion of Mexico, Canada and Japan.
Here you go: Strengthening the U.S.-Taiwan Economic Relationship
Remarks Jose W. Fernandez Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs American Chamber of Commerce Taipei, Taiwan August 5, 2012
------------------------------
*I. **Introduction*
Thank you. This is my first trip to Taiwan and I continue to marvel at the numerous cultural and economic ties that bind our people. One of our ties was illustrated to me as I read the paper this morning. I enjoyed seeing that Jeremy Lin’s visit took top billing in the newspaper, and the meeting between President Ma and I drew a little less attention.
Let me give you just one example that is illustrative of the larger U.S. – Taiwan relationship. It is a great American tradition to start new companies in a home garage. In an Irvine, California garage in 1988 Linksys was born. The creators of this now ubiquitous line of home computer networking devices were Taiwan immigrants Janie and Victor Tsao. At the time they founded Linksys, they were also working as consultants specializing in pairing U.S. technology vendors with manufacturers in Taiwan. That pairing has become emblematic of the U.S. – Taiwan economic relationship. The latest numbers show that two-way trade between the United States and Taiwan in electrical machinery hovers around $23 billion per year.
*II. **Strategic Rebalancing Toward Asia*
While Taiwan has been exemplary as one of the so-called “Asian Tigers,” I want to put our economic relationship with Taiwan in the larger Asian context before discussing Taiwan specifically. That larger context is our work on the Trans Pacific Partnership, and the Select USA initiative.
As you know, the global economic crisis of the past few years has pushed us in the United States to pursue our own economic recovery. This is a two-sided coin, with an eye toward regional trade liberalization on one side, and concerted efforts to attract more foreign investment to the United States on the other. At all levels of the U.S. government, we are broadening and deepening our economic relationships throughout the Asia Pacific region. We are acutely aware that reinvigorating our economy at home goes hand in hand with partnering on economic growth abroad.
The United States has long been involved in developments in the Asia Pacific region. We are proud that our contributions to regional security here helped create the conditions that brought more people out of poverty faster than anywhere else in history. That engagement continues today and the futures of the United States and the Asia Pacific are inextricably linked. As Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has highlighted, we are not just a diplomatic or military power here. We are an economic force as well. In 2010 alone, our exports to the Pacific Rim were over $320 billion, supporting 850,000 American jobs.
But our work is not finished. One of our country’s great challenges in this century will be to establish a stronger network of trade links and practices around the Pacific Rim. Our recently enacted Free Trade Agreements with South Korea and Colombia, and our commitment to the Trans-Pacific Partnership, are clear demonstrations that we are here to stay.
I am proud to note that the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT) has been a very active promoter of these efforts. In fact, they have been so successful in working to promote America’s economic relationship with Taiwan that I was able to personally congratulate the former Director, Bill Stanton, on winning my award for export promotion in 2011. He also received the State Department’s coveted Cobb award for global trade promotion efforts. That’s two awards in the same year to one man, something that doesn’t happen very often in the State Department. The AIT team in Taipei and Kaohsiung (“GOW shung”) is carrying on that tradition and I expect great achievements from the incoming leadership team here in Taipei.
All of these individual efforts fit into our larger work toward regional trade liberalization. Also supporting this effort is our commitment to the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
Looking ahead to the next generation of trade agreements, we are aiming at crafting an agreement that addresses new and emerging trade issues and challenges. The Trans-Pacific Partnership, or TPP, includes the United States, along with Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Chile, Malaysia, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, and Vietnam. It is a high-standard, broad-based regional agreement. We see the TPP as the most credible pathway to broader Asia-Pacific regional economic integration.
The agreement will include core issues traditionally found in trade agreements, such as industrial goods, agriculture, and textiles as well as rules on intellectual property, technical barriers to trade, labor, and the environment. But it will also address cross-cutting issues not previously found in trade agreements, such as making the regulatory systems of TPP countries more compatible so U.S. companies can operate more seamlessly in TPP markets. It will also help innovative, job-creating small- and medium-sized enterprises participate more actively in international trade. Equally important is addressing new emerging trade issues, such as trade and investment in innovative products and services, and ensuring that state-owned enterprises compete fairly with private companies and do not distort competition in ways that put U.S. companies and workers at a disadvantage.
The United States is participating in the TPP as the best vehicle to advance our economic interests and to promote economic growth and development in the critical Asia-Pacific region. Expanding U.S. exports is critical to our economic recovery and to the creation and retention of high-quality jobs in the United States. With its rapid growth and large markets, there is no region with which expanding our trade is more vital than the Asia Pacific.
The TPP countries recently announced the addition of Mexico and Canada to the negotiations. Late last year Japan also formally expressed interest in beginning consultations with TPP member countries with a view to possibly joining the negotiations. Candidate countries for TPP must demonstrate through their actions and through bilateral consultations with each TPP country their readiness to meet the standards and objectives of the agreement. Once those bilateral processes are concluded, the current TPP partners must decide by consensus before a new member can participate. In short, we are excited by the possibilities created in the Asia-Pacific by the TPP, and are working very hard to make it a reality by the end of this year.
Let’s move on to another program we just started, Select USA. So one side of the coin of economic recovery is expanding opportunities for U.S. companies to do business effectively abroad. The other side of that coin is the work that we do at home to encourage investment in the United States. The United States consistently ranks at the top of most major indicators for its attractive business and investment climate. In fact, from 2006 through 2010, the United States received more FDI than any other country. The FDI flow into the United States in 2010 - $228 billion - was more than double the flow into any other country in the world, and despite economic difficulties of the time, 49 percent greater than the FDI flow into the United States in 2009. At the same time, total Taiwan direct investment flow in the United States was over $5 billion in 2010, an increase of 14.7% from 2009.
Under a program called SelectUSA, the U.S. Departments of Commerce and State engage partners around the world, as I am doing here, to promote investment into our dynamic economy. SelectUSA showcases how the United States is the world’s premier business location and provides easy access to federal-level programs and services related to business investment.
Why do I say that the United States is the world’s premier business location? Because we are the world’s largest economy; we consistently rank at the top of most major indicators for our attractive business and investment climate; our own investment in research and development makes us the world’s center for innovation; and our leadership in protecting intellectual property with a transparent and predictable legal system makes doing business in the U.S. both cost-efficient and secure. Also, one of the strongest reasons will always be the quality of our higher education, particularly in science and engineering. Taiwan people in the United States are well aware of this: 80 percent have achieved some level of higher education, particularly in these fields and in medicine. I understand that the U.S. regulatory environment can be daunting to some investors, but through our hardworking representatives at the American Institute in Taiwan, and SelectUSA and other U.S. government partners back in Washington, we can help connect investors with the business counseling and training they may need to comply with applicable regulations.
We can also direct you to the different states’ economic development agencies, making sure you get connected to the right partners for your investment selection process.
*III. **U. S. – Taiwan Economic Relations*
Where does Taiwan figure into this picture? How can Taiwan partner with us and benefit from this wealth creation? Today, Taiwan is our 10th largest trading partner and our 15th largest export market. It would surprise many people but the United States actually trades more with Taiwan than with France; and Taiwan-U.S. trade is at near the same level as India-U.S. bilateral trade. The United States is Taiwan’s largest foreign investor, and Taiwan companies have made significant investments in the United States. Historically, the United States has been the strongest champion of Taiwan’s participation in global trade bodies such as the World Trade Organization and the APEC forum. Our strong economic relationship covers more than six decades. Taiwan has been an invaluable partner in influencing others to embrace reform and strive for economic growth.
In recent years, however, this immensely valuable relationship has hit some bumps in the road that hinder our partnership and progress. We can’t afford these bumps and need to make sure that they do not detract from efforts to make full use of our potential. We were pleased to see that the Legislative Yuan recently took action that will clear the path for Taiwan to establish a maximum residue limit for ractopamine in beef, eliminating a serious impediment to U.S. beef imports. U.S. trade agencies will be monitoring implementation of the regulatory measures needed to allow U.S. beef imports to resume. These steps will be important in helping to rebuild confidence in our bilateral trade relationship.
We know from our own experience that adhering to bilateral and multilateral trade commitments is not always easy, but it is essential to maintaining the credibility that serves as the foundation of what has long been a positive, constructive relationship between trading partners.
Of course our bilateral economic relationship goes well beyond this particular issue and we have continued to engage Taiwan at the working level and via our capable colleagues at AIT on the full range of important bilateral trade and investment issues. For example, the United States worked for many years in support of Taiwan’s candidacy to join the WTO Government Procurement Agreement. These joint efforts were rewarded when Taiwan acceded to the Agreement in 2009. Taiwan has already made many reforms to its procurement practices, and we stand ready to assist as Taiwan continues to harmonize its measures with global best practices with regard to transparency, contract terms, and licensing.
Taiwan has made tremendous progress over the years in improving intellectual property rights protection and enforcement, and the United States has carried out significant bilateral cooperation activities on intellectual property rights—IPR—issues. Still, challenges remain, including with regard to online infringement and the theft of trade secrets. During my time here in Taiwan I have visited companies that have had their technology stolen and heard their stories. For U.S. firms the protection of IPR is so vital because so many of our exports derive from IPR. A recent study estimated that 75% of U.S. exports involve IPR. Taiwan aspires to be an economy based on innovation, and together our unceasing efforts will ensure that Taiwan’s IPR enforcement regime meets the highest standards. Improved protection of trade secrets in Taiwan will help both foreign and domestic firms be competitive and innovative in today’s knowledge-based economy. The bottom line: we have made major progress over the years on many critical issues when both sides have been prepared to work together. The United States sincerely desires a reinvigorated trade relationship with Taiwan. It’s already generally good, but we can do better.
Like the United States, Taiwan is also pursuing trade liberalization. We understand the Ma Administration has indicated a desire to be considered for the TPP in eight years. As a gold standard for future trade agreements in the region, the TPP requires members to embrace ambitious and comprehensive liberalization and open their markets to competition. We commend President Ma for recognizing the importance of trade integration, and for his expressed determination to push forward liberalization measures that would help Taiwan make its case as a possible candidate for future trade agreements.
Change will not be easy, but the benefits of liberalization are clear: stronger and more competitive firms, better services, wider availability of products at lower prices, greater efficiency, and smoother integration into the world marketplace. More comprehensive economic liberalization will be an essential component for securing Taiwan's economic future. Real liberalization will demonstrate Taiwan's commitment to trade integration and potential inclusion in various trade arrangements. This includes comprehensive, bilateral FTAs—such as Taiwan's ongoing negotiations with Singapore—which is an important first step. As Taiwan's leaders implement meaningful market liberalization measures and pursue new trade agreements, firm resolve and commitment to free market principles as a responsible WTO member are essential attributes to live by. We look forward to deepening our trade and economic interaction with Taiwan. We will support Taiwan as it embraces these fundamental prerequisites to effective and meaningful trade integration. Everyone in this room is an important element of what we hope to do.
*IV. **Next Steps & Conclusion*
Just as Janie and Victor Tsao understood when they founded Linksys nearly 25 years ago, trade between Taiwan and the United States is vital to the prosperity of both. The United States and Taiwan have a long and positive history of cooperation and many shared interests in the region. We are hopeful that the positive recent steps Taiwan has taken to address the beef issue are a demonstration of the sustained commitment that will be needed to reenergize our bilateral trade dialogue. To be sure, Taiwan, like any democracy, will face tough choices in order to live up to its international obligations and to put its long-term economic interests above domestic politics. Taiwan is a part of the Asia-Pacific region’s economic future. We look forward to working with Taiwan as it builds cooperative and credible partnerships throughout the region, including with the United States.
Yes, Carlton. He is saying that the TPP is a precursor to Free Trade Agreements. Taiwan is a bigger market that France as far as US relations goes and you can see the leveraging, tradeoffs taking place. Some may ask and what has this got to do with "the price of fish in the market" [Pacific speak for..how does it affect the Internet?]. Well it not new that the US has always maintained that the Internet should be a tax free zone as per the US Congress's Tax Freedom Act 1998 (*authored by **Representative Christopher Cox and Senator Ron Wyden and signed into law on October 21 1998 by then President Clinton*) which following expiry continued to be reauthorised and it most recent reauthorisation (legal speak for extension) was in October 2007 where this has been extended till 2014. The OECD and the EU have been holding the opposite view (Kurbaliha,J. 2010) - see their Ottawa Principles where they find that there is no difference between traditional and e taxation that would require special regulations. It followed that in 2003 when the EU introduced a regulation requesting non EU e commerce companies to pay value added tax (VAT) if they sold goods within the EU. The main driver or motivation was that non-EU companies (many of whom are US companies) had an edge over European companies. See one of the Reports - http://www.oecd.org/tax/taxadministration/20499630.pdf The point of controversy is also location (US is pro-origin) and destination (EU is pro-destination) when assessing tarriffs so when take for example as is with Trade. This is why MNCs (multinational corporations) are careful and selective of jurisdictions in which they plonk their servers in or offices in because it has to make sense to the bottom line. In my view nothing wrong with the bottom line as long as people behave responsibly and fairly so that global public interest is protected. The only problem is that history and current trends show that the self regulatory model does'nt work. [question for us is finding that place of balance where we can all win]. Why is South Korea so important in the mix? Well aside from the Samsung v Apple and Apple v Samsung circus, South Korea also leads the world in terms of being number 1 in the IDI ranking but if you peel the layers, volume and content are massive triggers as far as generating revenue. Ask any ISP or MNC...If taxation were introduced globally, the apple cart would be upset. Of course, at the end of the day, the reality is that the EU is in financial crisis and it should not come as a shock as to what their position will be in terms of "enhancing stability". The fact that even the IMF is struggling to find viable solutions shows that hourglass is in motion. Lesson to be learnt from this is that nothing is ever what it seems, not what the media says and wisdom demands that we be aware of our environment. @Carlton, the bigger slice ain't coming to us Best Regards, Sala On Tue, Sep 4, 2012 at 6:36 AM, Carlton Samuels <carlton.samuels@gmail.com>wrote:
Thanks for this Sala. The gentleman is telling Taiwan 'let not your heart be troubled' or become too alarmed by the 're-balancing' act; moving from bi-lateral trading relationship to a more multi-lateral profile that is the TPP.
The message objective: TPP is intended to create a bigger pie. And if you wait and be of good cheer, a bigger slice comes to you.
- Carlton
============================== Carlton A Samuels Mobile: 876-818-1799 *Strategy, Planning, Governance, Assessment & Turnaround* =============================
On Fri, Aug 31, 2012 at 2:23 PM, Salanieta T. Tamanikaiwaimaro < salanieta.tamanikaiwaimaro@gmail.com> wrote:
Dear All,
Whilst on the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the US Assistant Secretary Jose Fernandez made some remarks which are interesting. Worthwhile noting is the inclusion of Mexico, Canada and Japan.
Here you go: Strengthening the U.S.-Taiwan Economic Relationship
Remarks Jose W. Fernandez Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs American Chamber of Commerce Taipei, Taiwan August 5, 2012
------------------------------
*I. **Introduction*
Thank you. This is my first trip to Taiwan and I continue to marvel at the numerous cultural and economic ties that bind our people. One of our ties was illustrated to me as I read the paper this morning. I enjoyed seeing that Jeremy Lin’s visit took top billing in the newspaper, and the meeting between President Ma and I drew a little less attention.
Let me give you just one example that is illustrative of the larger U.S. – Taiwan relationship. It is a great American tradition to start new companies in a home garage. In an Irvine, California garage in 1988 Linksys was born. The creators of this now ubiquitous line of home computer networking devices were Taiwan immigrants Janie and Victor Tsao. At the time they founded Linksys, they were also working as consultants specializing in pairing U.S. technology vendors with manufacturers in Taiwan. That pairing has become emblematic of the U.S. – Taiwan economic relationship. The latest numbers show that two-way trade between the United States and Taiwan in electrical machinery hovers around $23 billion per year.
*II. **Strategic Rebalancing Toward Asia*
While Taiwan has been exemplary as one of the so-called “Asian Tigers,” I want to put our economic relationship with Taiwan in the larger Asian context before discussing Taiwan specifically. That larger context is our work on the Trans Pacific Partnership, and the Select USA initiative.
As you know, the global economic crisis of the past few years has pushed us in the United States to pursue our own economic recovery. This is a two-sided coin, with an eye toward regional trade liberalization on one side, and concerted efforts to attract more foreign investment to the United States on the other. At all levels of the U.S. government, we are broadening and deepening our economic relationships throughout the Asia Pacific region. We are acutely aware that reinvigorating our economy at home goes hand in hand with partnering on economic growth abroad.
The United States has long been involved in developments in the Asia Pacific region. We are proud that our contributions to regional security here helped create the conditions that brought more people out of poverty faster than anywhere else in history. That engagement continues today and the futures of the United States and the Asia Pacific are inextricably linked. As Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has highlighted, we are not just a diplomatic or military power here. We are an economic force as well. In 2010 alone, our exports to the Pacific Rim were over $320 billion, supporting 850,000 American jobs.
But our work is not finished. One of our country’s great challenges in this century will be to establish a stronger network of trade links and practices around the Pacific Rim. Our recently enacted Free Trade Agreements with South Korea and Colombia, and our commitment to the Trans-Pacific Partnership, are clear demonstrations that we are here to stay.
I am proud to note that the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT) has been a very active promoter of these efforts. In fact, they have been so successful in working to promote America’s economic relationship with Taiwan that I was able to personally congratulate the former Director, Bill Stanton, on winning my award for export promotion in 2011. He also received the State Department’s coveted Cobb award for global trade promotion efforts. That’s two awards in the same year to one man, something that doesn’t happen very often in the State Department. The AIT team in Taipei and Kaohsiung (“GOW shung”) is carrying on that tradition and I expect great achievements from the incoming leadership team here in Taipei.
All of these individual efforts fit into our larger work toward regional trade liberalization. Also supporting this effort is our commitment to the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
Looking ahead to the next generation of trade agreements, we are aiming at crafting an agreement that addresses new and emerging trade issues and challenges. The Trans-Pacific Partnership, or TPP, includes the United States, along with Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Chile, Malaysia, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, and Vietnam. It is a high-standard, broad-based regional agreement. We see the TPP as the most credible pathway to broader Asia-Pacific regional economic integration.
The agreement will include core issues traditionally found in trade agreements, such as industrial goods, agriculture, and textiles as well as rules on intellectual property, technical barriers to trade, labor, and the environment. But it will also address cross-cutting issues not previously found in trade agreements, such as making the regulatory systems of TPP countries more compatible so U.S. companies can operate more seamlessly in TPP markets. It will also help innovative, job-creating small- and medium-sized enterprises participate more actively in international trade. Equally important is addressing new emerging trade issues, such as trade and investment in innovative products and services, and ensuring that state-owned enterprises compete fairly with private companies and do not distort competition in ways that put U.S. companies and workers at a disadvantage.
The United States is participating in the TPP as the best vehicle to advance our economic interests and to promote economic growth and development in the critical Asia-Pacific region. Expanding U.S. exports is critical to our economic recovery and to the creation and retention of high-quality jobs in the United States. With its rapid growth and large markets, there is no region with which expanding our trade is more vital than the Asia Pacific.
The TPP countries recently announced the addition of Mexico and Canada to the negotiations. Late last year Japan also formally expressed interest in beginning consultations with TPP member countries with a view to possibly joining the negotiations. Candidate countries for TPP must demonstrate through their actions and through bilateral consultations with each TPP country their readiness to meet the standards and objectives of the agreement. Once those bilateral processes are concluded, the current TPP partners must decide by consensus before a new member can participate. In short, we are excited by the possibilities created in the Asia-Pacific by the TPP, and are working very hard to make it a reality by the end of this year.
Let’s move on to another program we just started, Select USA. So one side of the coin of economic recovery is expanding opportunities for U.S. companies to do business effectively abroad. The other side of that coin is the work that we do at home to encourage investment in the United States. The United States consistently ranks at the top of most major indicators for its attractive business and investment climate. In fact, from 2006 through 2010, the United States received more FDI than any other country. The FDI flow into the United States in 2010 - $228 billion - was more than double the flow into any other country in the world, and despite economic difficulties of the time, 49 percent greater than the FDI flow into the United States in 2009. At the same time, total Taiwan direct investment flow in the United States was over $5 billion in 2010, an increase of 14.7% from 2009.
Under a program called SelectUSA, the U.S. Departments of Commerce and State engage partners around the world, as I am doing here, to promote investment into our dynamic economy. SelectUSA showcases how the United States is the world’s premier business location and provides easy access to federal-level programs and services related to business investment.
Why do I say that the United States is the world’s premier business location? Because we are the world’s largest economy; we consistently rank at the top of most major indicators for our attractive business and investment climate; our own investment in research and development makes us the world’s center for innovation; and our leadership in protecting intellectual property with a transparent and predictable legal system makes doing business in the U.S. both cost-efficient and secure. Also, one of the strongest reasons will always be the quality of our higher education, particularly in science and engineering. Taiwan people in the United States are well aware of this: 80 percent have achieved some level of higher education, particularly in these fields and in medicine. I understand that the U.S. regulatory environment can be daunting to some investors, but through our hardworking representatives at the American Institute in Taiwan, and SelectUSA and other U.S. government partners back in Washington, we can help connect investors with the business counseling and training they may need to comply with applicable regulations.
We can also direct you to the different states’ economic development agencies, making sure you get connected to the right partners for your investment selection process.
*III. **U. S. – Taiwan Economic Relations*
Where does Taiwan figure into this picture? How can Taiwan partner with us and benefit from this wealth creation? Today, Taiwan is our 10th largest trading partner and our 15th largest export market. It would surprise many people but the United States actually trades more with Taiwan than with France; and Taiwan-U.S. trade is at near the same level as India-U.S. bilateral trade. The United States is Taiwan’s largest foreign investor, and Taiwan companies have made significant investments in the United States. Historically, the United States has been the strongest champion of Taiwan’s participation in global trade bodies such as the World Trade Organization and the APEC forum. Our strong economic relationship covers more than six decades. Taiwan has been an invaluable partner in influencing others to embrace reform and strive for economic growth.
In recent years, however, this immensely valuable relationship has hit some bumps in the road that hinder our partnership and progress. We can’t afford these bumps and need to make sure that they do not detract from efforts to make full use of our potential. We were pleased to see that the Legislative Yuan recently took action that will clear the path for Taiwan to establish a maximum residue limit for ractopamine in beef, eliminating a serious impediment to U.S. beef imports. U.S. trade agencies will be monitoring implementation of the regulatory measures needed to allow U.S. beef imports to resume. These steps will be important in helping to rebuild confidence in our bilateral trade relationship.
We know from our own experience that adhering to bilateral and multilateral trade commitments is not always easy, but it is essential to maintaining the credibility that serves as the foundation of what has long been a positive, constructive relationship between trading partners.
Of course our bilateral economic relationship goes well beyond this particular issue and we have continued to engage Taiwan at the working level and via our capable colleagues at AIT on the full range of important bilateral trade and investment issues. For example, the United States worked for many years in support of Taiwan’s candidacy to join the WTO Government Procurement Agreement. These joint efforts were rewarded when Taiwan acceded to the Agreement in 2009. Taiwan has already made many reforms to its procurement practices, and we stand ready to assist as Taiwan continues to harmonize its measures with global best practices with regard to transparency, contract terms, and licensing.
Taiwan has made tremendous progress over the years in improving intellectual property rights protection and enforcement, and the United States has carried out significant bilateral cooperation activities on intellectual property rights—IPR—issues. Still, challenges remain, including with regard to online infringement and the theft of trade secrets. During my time here in Taiwan I have visited companies that have had their technology stolen and heard their stories. For U.S. firms the protection of IPR is so vital because so many of our exports derive from IPR. A recent study estimated that 75% of U.S. exports involve IPR. Taiwan aspires to be an economy based on innovation, and together our unceasing efforts will ensure that Taiwan’s IPR enforcement regime meets the highest standards. Improved protection of trade secrets in Taiwan will help both foreign and domestic firms be competitive and innovative in today’s knowledge-based economy. The bottom line: we have made major progress over the years on many critical issues when both sides have been prepared to work together. The United States sincerely desires a reinvigorated trade relationship with Taiwan. It’s already generally good, but we can do better.
Like the United States, Taiwan is also pursuing trade liberalization. We understand the Ma Administration has indicated a desire to be considered for the TPP in eight years. As a gold standard for future trade agreements in the region, the TPP requires members to embrace ambitious and comprehensive liberalization and open their markets to competition. We commend President Ma for recognizing the importance of trade integration, and for his expressed determination to push forward liberalization measures that would help Taiwan make its case as a possible candidate for future trade agreements.
Change will not be easy, but the benefits of liberalization are clear: stronger and more competitive firms, better services, wider availability of products at lower prices, greater efficiency, and smoother integration into the world marketplace. More comprehensive economic liberalization will be an essential component for securing Taiwan's economic future. Real liberalization will demonstrate Taiwan's commitment to trade integration and potential inclusion in various trade arrangements. This includes comprehensive, bilateral FTAs—such as Taiwan's ongoing negotiations with Singapore—which is an important first step. As Taiwan's leaders implement meaningful market liberalization measures and pursue new trade agreements, firm resolve and commitment to free market principles as a responsible WTO member are essential attributes to live by. We look forward to deepening our trade and economic interaction with Taiwan. We will support Taiwan as it embraces these fundamental prerequisites to effective and meaningful trade integration. Everyone in this room is an important element of what we hope to do.
*IV. **Next Steps & Conclusion*
Just as Janie and Victor Tsao understood when they founded Linksys nearly 25 years ago, trade between Taiwan and the United States is vital to the prosperity of both. The United States and Taiwan have a long and positive history of cooperation and many shared interests in the region. We are hopeful that the positive recent steps Taiwan has taken to address the beef issue are a demonstration of the sustained commitment that will be needed to reenergize our bilateral trade dialogue. To be sure, Taiwan, like any democracy, will face tough choices in order to live up to its international obligations and to put its long-term economic interests above domestic politics. Taiwan is a part of the Asia-Pacific region’s economic future. We look forward to working with Taiwan as it builds cooperative and credible partnerships throughout the region, including with the United States.
-- Salanieta Tamanikaiwaimaro aka Sala P.O. Box 17862 Suva Fiji Twitter: @SalanietaT Skype:Salanieta.Tamanikaiwaimaro Fiji Cell: +679 998 2851
On Mon, Sep 3, 2012 at 2:22 PM, Salanieta T. Tamanikaiwaimaro < salanieta.tamanikaiwaimaro@gmail.com> wrote: Lesson to be learnt from this is that nothing is ever what it seems, not
what the media says and wisdom demands that we be aware of our environment.
@Carlton, the bigger slice ain't coming to us
I knew I could depend on you to catch the irony intended! You feel the hand of Esau even as you hear the voice of Jacob. You have to follow closely and wade thru a lot of verbiage. Because sometimes the truth or real intent is vested in a few well-chosen words, hidden in plain sight. Learned that trick long time ago. Fella must stick to his talking points... he had a job to do......... - Carlton ============================== Carlton A Samuels Mobile: 876-818-1799 *Strategy, Planning, Governance, Assessment & Turnaround* =============================
The TPP will be worse than the SOPA. Add this to the EFF link:- http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/aug/27/pacific-free-trade-deal* *** ** ** ** http://www.alternet.org/story/156059/trans-pacific_partnership%3A_under_cove... This was sent to me by one of the members of the ALS that I am a part of. Pay particular attention to the "NAFTA" on steroids bit. What is also interesting is the news that Russia has just signed an MoU with the US strengthening greater partnership, notwithstanding the support that it got from the US in joining the WTO, You can imagine that if Russia is persuaded to join the TPP then the likelihood that they will receive the relevant traction to widen the circle of the TPP Party/Parade will definitely cause the concerns that was raised by the EFF that was shared to us by Carlton, see: https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2012/08/tpp-creates-liabilities-isps-and-put-y... to be a reality in the not too distant future. This means ISP liabilities amongst a host of other things. On another note, Mr Wu Hongbo is the new Under Secretary General for the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA), see: http://www.un.org/en/development/desa/usg/index.shtml For developing countries, the concept of "free trade" may sound lucrative but the reality is that it only disadvantages one (the loser). There is no such thing as a free lunch. To see why this is relevant to our discussions, I recommend visiting the link that Carlton shared earlier. I find the US position on this to be schizophrenic because on one end they are proclaiming an open and free internet and taking extraordinary measures to run miles away from any Treaty negotiations (please note that I am not for nor against Treaties, merely thinking critically about the issues) and yet they are going to extraordinary lengths to go around the world by sending their highest political officer to gain momentum for the TPP. It brings to mind that nations at the end of the day are about interests and "as long as it suits them". I will also hasten to add that there are many citizens in the US who are also wanting greater transparency around the TPP negotiations as it is likely to impact the architecture of the Internet and the rules of the game. Kind Regards, Sala On Thu, Aug 30, 2012 at 11:00 AM, Carlton Samuels <carlton.samuels@gmail.com
wrote:
Here's a development you might wish to follow. Some analysts say it is even more dangerous than pernicious ACTA to the public interest. Those countries in the L & CA region with a Pacific littoral may be party to it.
https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2012/08/tpp-creates-liabilities-isps-and-put-y...
- Carlton
============================== Carlton A Samuels Mobile: 876-818-1799 *Strategy, Planning, Governance, Assessment & Turnaround* ============================= _______________________________________________ APAC-Discuss mailing list APAC-Discuss@atlarge-lists.icann.org https://atlarge-lists.icann.org/mailman/listinfo/apac-discuss
Homepage for the region: http://www.apralo.org
-- Salanieta Tamanikaiwaimaro aka Sala P.O. Box 17862 Suva Fiji Twitter: @SalanietaT Skype:Salanieta.Tamanikaiwaimaro Fiji Cell: +679 998 2851
Sala: Thanks for the links and your additional comments. The Guardian writer mentions ginned up IP concerns - especially wrt entertainment and pharmaceuticals - and it extends the picture in view. Hmmm, helluva thing.....wonder what the fellas in South Korea, China and India are thinking? Well, Ol' Henry K to the rescue again: ".....no permanent friends....but permanent interests.... - Carlton ============================== Carlton A Samuels Mobile: 876-818-1799 *Strategy, Planning, Governance, Assessment & Turnaround* ============================= On Sat, Sep 8, 2012 at 3:47 PM, Salanieta T. Tamanikaiwaimaro < salanieta.tamanikaiwaimaro@gmail.com> wrote:
The TPP will be worse than the SOPA.
Add this to the EFF link:-
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/aug/27/pacific-free-trade-deal ****
** **
** http://www.alternet.org/story/156059/trans-pacific_partnership%3A_under_cove...
This was sent to me by one of the members of the ALS that I am a part of. Pay particular attention to the "NAFTA" on steroids bit. What is also interesting is the news that Russia has just signed an MoU with the US strengthening greater partnership, notwithstanding the support that it got from the US in joining the WTO, You can imagine that if Russia is persuaded to join the TPP then the likelihood that they will receive the relevant traction to widen the circle of the TPP Party/Parade will definitely cause the concerns that was raised by the EFF that was shared to us by Carlton, see: https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2012/08/tpp-creates-liabilities-isps-and-put-y... to be a reality in the not too distant future. This means ISP liabilities amongst a host of other things.
On another note, Mr Wu Hongbo is the new Under Secretary General for the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA), see: http://www.un.org/en/development/desa/usg/index.shtml
For developing countries, the concept of "free trade" may sound lucrative but the reality is that it only disadvantages one (the loser). There is no such thing as a free lunch. To see why this is relevant to our discussions, I recommend visiting the link that Carlton shared earlier.
I find the US position on this to be schizophrenic because on one end they are proclaiming an open and free internet and taking extraordinary measures to run miles away from any Treaty negotiations (please note that I am not for nor against Treaties, merely thinking critically about the issues) and yet they are going to extraordinary lengths to go around the world by sending their highest political officer to gain momentum for the TPP.
It brings to mind that nations at the end of the day are about interests and "as long as it suits them". I will also hasten to add that there are many citizens in the US who are also wanting greater transparency around the TPP negotiations as it is likely to impact the architecture of the Internet and the rules of the game.
Kind Regards,
Sala
On Thu, Aug 30, 2012 at 11:00 AM, Carlton Samuels < carlton.samuels@gmail.com> wrote:
Here's a development you might wish to follow. Some analysts say it is even more dangerous than pernicious ACTA to the public interest. Those countries in the L & CA region with a Pacific littoral may be party to it.
https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2012/08/tpp-creates-liabilities-isps-and-put-y...
- Carlton
============================== Carlton A Samuels Mobile: 876-818-1799 *Strategy, Planning, Governance, Assessment & Turnaround* ============================= _______________________________________________ APAC-Discuss mailing list APAC-Discuss@atlarge-lists.icann.org https://atlarge-lists.icann.org/mailman/listinfo/apac-discuss
Homepage for the region: http://www.apralo.org
-- Salanieta Tamanikaiwaimaro aka Sala P.O. Box 17862 Suva Fiji
Twitter: @SalanietaT Skype:Salanieta.Tamanikaiwaimaro Fiji Cell: +679 998 2851
Hmmm, helluva thing.....wonder what the fellas in South Korea, China and India are thinking?
Korea has signed the FTA with US so may well be on the way to join the negotiation perhaps after Japan's formal participation. India is not a Pacific country geographically but it all depends on interpretation. China has strongly felt that it is being surrounded by this "partnership" net by its long Pacific coast. Although China has expressed its interested in at least observing the negotiation at last APEC summit in November 2011, it was turned down. It is unlikely that China would be welcome in at the APEC summit right now in Russia. Hong
On Sat, Sep 8, 2012 at 3:47 PM, Salanieta T. Tamanikaiwaimaro < salanieta.tamanikaiwaimaro@gmail.com> wrote:
The TPP will be worse than the SOPA.
Add this to the EFF link:-
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/aug/27/pacific-free-trade-deal ****
** **
** http://www.alternet.org/story/156059/trans-pacific_partnership%3A_under_cove...
This was sent to me by one of the members of the ALS that I am a part of. Pay particular attention to the "NAFTA" on steroids bit. What is also interesting is the news that Russia has just signed an MoU with the US strengthening greater partnership, notwithstanding the support that it got from the US in joining the WTO, You can imagine that if Russia is persuaded to join the TPP then the likelihood that they will receive the relevant traction to widen the circle of the TPP Party/Parade will definitely cause the concerns that was raised by the EFF that was shared to us by Carlton, see: https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2012/08/tpp-creates-liabilities-isps-and-put-y... to be a reality in the not too distant future. This means ISP liabilities amongst a host of other things.
On another note, Mr Wu Hongbo is the new Under Secretary General for the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA), see: http://www.un.org/en/development/desa/usg/index.shtml
For developing countries, the concept of "free trade" may sound lucrative but the reality is that it only disadvantages one (the loser). There is no such thing as a free lunch. To see why this is relevant to our discussions, I recommend visiting the link that Carlton shared earlier.
I find the US position on this to be schizophrenic because on one end they are proclaiming an open and free internet and taking extraordinary measures to run miles away from any Treaty negotiations (please note that I am not for nor against Treaties, merely thinking critically about the issues) and yet they are going to extraordinary lengths to go around the world by sending their highest political officer to gain momentum for the TPP.
It brings to mind that nations at the end of the day are about interests and "as long as it suits them". I will also hasten to add that there are many citizens in the US who are also wanting greater transparency around the TPP negotiations as it is likely to impact the architecture of the Internet and the rules of the game.
Kind Regards,
Sala
On Thu, Aug 30, 2012 at 11:00 AM, Carlton Samuels < carlton.samuels@gmail.com> wrote:
Here's a development you might wish to follow. Some analysts say it is even more dangerous than pernicious ACTA to the public interest. Those countries in the L & CA region with a Pacific littoral may be party to it.
https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2012/08/tpp-creates-liabilities-isps-and-put-y...
- Carlton
============================== Carlton A Samuels Mobile: 876-818-1799 *Strategy, Planning, Governance, Assessment & Turnaround* ============================= _______________________________________________ APAC-Discuss mailing list APAC-Discuss@atlarge-lists.icann.org https://atlarge-lists.icann.org/mailman/listinfo/apac-discuss
Homepage for the region: http://www.apralo.org
-- Salanieta Tamanikaiwaimaro aka Sala P.O. Box 17862 Suva Fiji
Twitter: @SalanietaT Skype:Salanieta.Tamanikaiwaimaro Fiji Cell: +679 998 2851
_______________________________________________ APAC-Discuss mailing list APAC-Discuss@atlarge-lists.icann.org https://atlarge-lists.icann.org/mailman/listinfo/apac-discuss
Homepage for the region: http://www.apralo.org
-- Professor Dr. Hong Xue Director of Institute for the Internet Policy & Law (IIPL) Beijing Normal University http://www.iipl.org.cn/ 19 Xin Jie Kou Wai Street Beijing 100875 China
Snip
China has strongly felt that it is being surrounded by this "partnership" net by its long Pacific coast. Although China has expressed its interested in at least observing the negotiation at last APEC summit in November 2011, it was turned down. It is unlikely that China would be welcome in at the APEC summit right now in Russia.
Hong
Here was what happened pre-APEC between US and China
Remarks With Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi
Remarks Hillary Rodham Clinton Secretary of State Great Hall of the People Beijing, China September 5, 2012
------------------------------
*MODERATOR: *(Via interpreter.) Ladies and gentlemen, the joint press conference of Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton will now begin. Now Foreign Minister Yang will make an opening statement.
*FOREIGN MINISTER YANG: *(In Chinese.)
*MODERATOR: *(Via interpreter.) Now Secretary Clinton will make an opening statement.
*SECRETARY CLINTON:* Let me begin by thanking Foreign Minister Yang for his long commitment to strengthening the bonds between China and the United States. And we have had constructive and productive in-depth discussions last night for a number of hours and then again this morning with President Hu Jintao. I conveyed to President Hu Jintao the warm regards from President Obama.
I am pleased to return to China for my fifth visit, I think, although I’ve lost track, as U.S. Secretary of State. I came on my very first trip in early 2009, and this has been part of our overarching engagement in Asia. And as Minister Yang just said, we have institutionalized a number of mechanisms for ongoing dialogue. Our Strategic and Economic Dialogue, our consultation on People-to-People Exchange, our Strategic Security Dialogue, our Asia Pacific Consultation, our new Middle East Dialogue, and all the rest of our engagement really exemplifies how hard we are working at every level of our government to build habits of cooperation and to open channels of communication. We literally consult with each other almost on a daily basis about every consequential issue facing our nations and the world today.
As I have said before, our two nations are trying to do something that has never been done in history, which is to write a new answer to the question of what happens when an established power and a rising power meet. Both President Obama and I have said frequently that the United States welcomes the rise of a strong, prosperous, and peaceful China. We wantChina to continue to succeed in delivering economic opportunity to the Chinese people. That will, in turn, have a positive impact on the global economy. We want China to play a greater role in world affairs. That strengthens global stability, helps solve urgent challenges. And we are convinced that our two countries gain far more when we cooperate with one another than when we descend into an unhealthy competition. So we are committed to managing our differences effectively and expanding our cooperation wherever and whenever possible.
We see this moment as a historic opportunity for our two countries, and indeed, for others as well. To make the most of it, the United States and China must strive to achieve practical outcomes that benefit each of us as well as the broader region and world. That has been the theme of my meetings in Beijing today, and it started with our extensive conversations with the Foreign Minister and his colleagues, which went well past midnight and then continued this morning. Later today, I will be meeting with other Chinese officials, as the Foreign Minister has just outlined. And let me say how pleased I am to have this chance to exchange views in advance of APEC, where I will be representing President Obama.
One issue we discussed at length is the evolving situation in Syria. The United States strongly believes the simplest and best solution to end the violence is for there to be a peaceful political transition that respects the dignity, aspirations, and rights of the Syrian people. The United States wants to work with China and other international partners to take effective steps to end the violence and bring about that political transition, because doing so, we believe, serves our common interest as well as the interest of Syrians and others in the region.
We discussed our shared commitment in preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons and our work together in the P-5+1 as well as at the upcoming IAEA Board of Governors meeting. China recently reduced its purchase of Iranian oil; and while it took this step for its own commercial and energy security reasons, it aligns with our shared interest regarding Iran and our hope that Iran will live up to its international obligations.
We had a productive conversation about how China can use its unique influence with respect to North Korea. There is an opportunity for the new leadership in North Korea to improve the lives of the North Korean people. At the same time, we wish to continue our joint efforts to bring about the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.
I also raised the growing threat of cyber attacks that are occurring on an increasing basis. Both the United States andChina are victims of cyber attacks. Intellectual property, commercial data, national security information is being targeted. This is an issue of increasing concern to the business community and the Government of the United States, as well as many other countries, and it is vital that we work together to curb this behavior.
Another issue, as the Minister mentioned, was the South China Sea. I reiterated, as I have on many occasions, the United States does not take a position on competing territorial claims. Our interest is in the maintenance of peace and stability, respect for international law, freedom of navigation, and unimpeded lawful commerce. And as a friend to the countries involved, we do believe it’s in everyone’s interest that China and ASEAN engage in a diplomatic process toward the shared goal of a code of conduct.
On some of these issues, China and the United States have much to agree on, and we are engaged in very cooperative behavior to try to reach our common goal. On others, such as human rights, we do not always see eye to eye, but we continue to talk together. And we will never agree on all matters. No two countries do. But we are learning how to manage our differences, deal openly with misunderstandings when they do occur, and remain in communication as transparently and clearly as possible. We have taken to heart the vision set by our two presidents to build a relationship that is positive, cooperative, and comprehensive and that delivers benefits to both our nations, and that, in turn, helps to drive peace, stability, progress, and prosperity throughout the region and the world.
So let me again thank the Foreign Minister and President Hu Jintao for this friendship, for this very important set of consultations. I look forward to the rest of my meetings today, and I thank the people of China for once again welcoming me and my delegation to your country.
*FOREIGN MINISTER YANG:* (Via interpreter.) Thank you, Madam Secretary.
*MODERATOR:* (Via interpreter.) Now we open up the floor for questions. * China Daily.*
*QUESTION:* (Via interpreter.) Good morning, Madam Secretary. The United States is implementing a rebalancing strategy in the Asia Pacific region. And some senior U.S. officials, including yourself, have repeatedly said that this is not targeted at China. But judging from some recent U.S. moves in the region, including the strengthening of military alliances with countries in the region, many people have come to the conclusion that the fundamental role of the strategy is to contain China and to thwart China’s development. How do you look at this?
*SECRETARY CLINTON:* Well, thank you for asking that question, because I want to be very clear. As the President and I have said many times, the United States welcomes a strong, stable, prosperous China that plays a role in world affairs commensurate with its size and helps to maintain and shape the global order. And we believe strongly that China has a vital role as a force for security and peace, stability and prosperity, regionally and globally. And so along with the rest of the international community, the United States counts on China’s leadership in addressing many of our common global challenges.
So that is why we have worked so intensively. We have deepened and broadened our cooperation on a range of issues bilaterally, regionally, and globally. Our two presidents have met 12 times. Vice President Biden and Vice President Xi have had very successful exchanged visits in each of our countries. We have held four Strategic and Economic Dialogues, which took the government-to-government relationship much deeper and broader than at any time prior to the Obama Administration.
So I’m very proud of the strength and resilience that we have built into our relationship. It makes it possible for us to talk about anything and to find ways to tackle issues frankly and forthrightly.
Now, that includes our work on economic and trade issues, which are very critical to creating jobs and opportunity on both sides of the Pacific. We are very clear, as we have these discussions, about the need to develop what we call a level playing field for economic investments in both our countries. It also enables us to work together through multilateral institutions, like the East Asia Summit, which the United States has joined out of respect for the importance of that organization; APEC, which is another vehicle. I’ll be seeing President Hu and other Chinese officials in Vladivostok in just a few days.
So it means we can cooperate on a much broader range of issues, but we do not see eye-to-eye on everything. And I would not expect anyone to imagine that two countries as large and diverse as we are would ever see eye-to-eye. We have different experiences, different perspectives. But what we have done is to embed the importance of dialogue and cooperation so that when we work together, it’s to the benefit of everyone. When we have these differences, we work through them.
And I am absolutely convinced that our collaboration has been vital. We’ve worked together on peace in Sudan and South Sudan. We are working to deal with Iran’s nuclear ambitions. We haven’t agreed on how to handle Syria, but we haven’t stopped talking about what should be done, because the violence continues. The instability is quite concerning. We don’t agree on a lot of human rights issues, but we have maintained a strong and ongoing dialogue. And this is a relationship that matters to both of us, and I am very convinced that we’ve established a strong foundation, government-to-government and people-to-people.
I cannot help what someone in your country says or someone in my country says. We are going to have critics in both of our countries who are going to second-guess decisions that we are making. But I feel strongly that we are on the right track in building a positive, cooperative, comprehensive relationship for the 21st century.
*MS. NULAND:* All right. Next question. (Laughter.) The next question, Indira Lakshmanan from Bloomberg News, please.
*QUESTION:* Thank you. Foreign Minister Yang, your ministry spokesman said this week that countries outside the region shouldn’t intervene in China Seas territorial disputes. Do you accept that the U.S. has a legitimate national interest in ensuring freedom of navigation and commerce in the South and East China Seas? Or does Vice President Xi’s cancellation of his meeting with the Secretary signal displeasure with U.S. interference? And do you agree with statemedia commentaries that say increased U.S. naval and military presence in the Pacific is about containing China?
And Madam Secretary, do you come out of these talks any more confident that China is ready to sign up to a code of conduct on the South Seas issues?
Thank you.
*FOREIGN MINISTER YANG: *(Via interpreter.) On the South China Sea, the position of the Chinese Government has been consistent and clear-cut. China has sovereignty over the islands in the South China Sea and their adjacent waters. There is plentiful historical and jurisprudential evidence for that.
As for the dispute over the sovereignty of some islands and reefs of the Nansha Islands and the overlapping rights, interests, and claims over some waters of the South China Sea, these should be discussed by the directly concerned countries on the basis of the fact – of historical fact and international law, and handled and settled through direct negotiations and friendly consultation. People talk about the importance of respecting the DOC. What I have outlined is not just China’s position, but an important principle and spirit of the DOC. It is the consensus of all the signatories to the DOC and important commitment the parties have made.
Recently, I have visited several of these Asian countries, who are also member-states of ASEAN. Like China, these countries also believe that the parties concerned should act in accordance with the principles and spirit of the DOC and on the basis of consensus work towards the eventual adoption of a code of conduct in the South China Sea.
Nowhere else do China and the United States share more converging interest and interact more frequently than in the Asia Pacific region. At the moment, the international situation continues to undergo profound and complex changes, and the prospect of a world economic recovery is still quite grim. We hope that China and the United States will work together to develop a positive and pragmatic relationship. That is also the shared expectation of the people in the Asia Pacific region. We hope to work with the United States and other countries in the Asia Pacific to make our region one of openness, inclusiveness, mutual benefit, and win-win progress.
As for the United States policy towards the Asia Pacific region, we have always hoped that the United States would size up the situation and make sure that its policy is in conformity with the trends of our current era and the general wish of countries in the region to seek peace, development, and cooperation. And this is also China’s wish and has been China’s way of behavior. We believe our two sides should step up consultation on Asia Pacific affairs and to make a success of the East Asia Summit and other important meetings before the end of the year.
And I wish to emphasize that the Asia Pacific Economic Leaders meeting is just a couple of days away. Our two sides need to step up communication and cooperation to make sure the APEC meeting will be a full success.
The current schedule of the Secretary’s visit has been agreed by the two sides. I hope people will not add unnecessary speculation. We attach a great deal of importance to Secretary Clinton’s visit to China. And I want to add also that the freedom and safety of navigation in the South China Sea is assured. For China and our neighboring countries, the South China Sea is really a lifeline for exchanges, trade, and commerce. There is no issue currently in this area, nor will there ever be issues in that area in the future. Thank you.
*SECRETARY CLINTON:* I appreciate the Minister’s comments about the commitment China has to a code of conduct that was foreshadowed in the Declaration of Conduct agreed to by China and ASEAN nations 10 years ago. We believe, as I said in Jakarta, that it is timely now to proceed with that work and help to lower the tensions and create the code of conduct in the next period, hopefully in preparation for the East Asia Summit.
After my talks over the last few days, I believe that with leadership and commitment China and ASEAN can ramp up their diplomacy. And the United States stands ready to support that process in any way that would be helpful to the parties.
*MS. NULAND:* Next question, Margaret Brennan, CBS News.
*QUESTION:* Thank you. On Iran, it’s continuing to pursue a nuclear program and negotiations have stalled. Specifically, what steps is China willing to take to prevent the pursuit of a nuclear weapon?
And on Syria, China at the Security Council has blocked any outside intervention to stop the ongoing violence. Is there any agreement on how to bring about a political transition?
*FOREIGN MINISTER YANG: *(Via interpreter.) On the question of nuclear issues in the Middle East, I wish to emphasize that China is opposed to the efforts of any country, including Iran, to develop nuclear weapons. At the same time, we believe the Iranian nuclear issue should be resolved peacefully through diplomatic negotiations. We believe there is positive value in the P-5+1 dialogue with Iran, whatever form it may take. We believe the parties should continue to exercise calm and be committed to diplomatic negotiations.
Some parties have put forward some proposals. They need to be studied seriously. The positive elements in those proposals should be taken seriously and be incorporated. China has been active and serious in our participation in P-5+1 dialogue with Iran. And in our contact with various parties, we’ve been emphasizing that there should be a clear and objective reading of the situation. China stands ready to stay in close contact, communication, and coordination with the United States and other relevant parties on the Iranian nuclear issue.
China strictly abides by the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. Of course, all along we have been opposed to unilateral sanctions. When such sanctions affect other countries and damage other countries’ interests, it is something we cannot accept. Although there might be some divergent views between China, the United States, or others on the Iranian issue, we believe there is an ongoing momentum of exchange, communication, and cooperation. And we hope to sustain the momentum of exchanges and cooperation with the relevant parties. China will continue to work persistently for the peaceful settlement of the Iranian nuclear issue.
On the question of Syria, I wish to emphasize that although Mr. Kofi Annan has stepped down as the Joint Special Envoy, but it is the general view of the international community that his six-point plan should continue to be implemented. Secretary Clinton and I and the foreign ministers of some other countries took part in the Foreign Ministerial Meeting of the Action Group for Syria, which took place in Geneva. Like many countries, China shares the view that the communique of that foreign ministers meeting has positive significance for appropriately handling and resolving the Syrian issue. And we are willing to ramp up communication with the relevant countries in the UN Security Council and to carry out coordination. And the relevant UN Security Council resolutions regarding Syria should be implemented in earnest.
Although the situation is very complex, China has been emphasizing all along that the various parties should arrive at a cessation of fire and an end to violence, and the various parties in Syria should begin a political dialogue. And like many countries, we support a period of political transition in Syria.
We also believe that any solution should come from the people of Syria and reflect their wishes. It should not be imposed from outside. We are all member-states of the United Nations. We believe that on the question of Syria the purposes and principles of the UN Charter should be upheld and implemented, especially the principle of non-interference in other countries’ internal affairs.
And on the question of Syria, let me emphasize that China is not partial to any individual or any party. I think history will judge that China’s position on the Syrian question is a promotion of the appropriate handling and resolution of the Syria issue. For what we have in mind is the interest of the people in Syria and the region and the interest of peace, stability, and development in the region and around the world.
The various countries have some differing views on the issue of Syria. I believe the parties need to increase their consultation, all for the sake of peace, stability, and development in the region as well as the well being of the Syrian people.
*SECRETARY CLINTON:* Thank you very much for your question. And before I turn to Syria, let me just say we have worked very closely with China in the P-5+1 and in the Security Council to create unprecedented pressure on the Iranian Government.
With respect to Syria, it is no secret that we have been disappointed by Russia and China’s actions blocking tougher UN Security Council resolutions, and we hope to continue to unite behind a real path forward to end the violence in Syria. We share the goal of wanting to see the violence end and the political transition begin, and we are discussing additional ways we can bring that about.
We believe that the situation in Syria is a threat to peace and stability in the entire region, and the longer the conflict goes on the greater the risk that it spills over borders and destabilizes neighboring countries. We have already seen dangerous clashes in Lebanon and growing tensions in Turkey and Jordan. We have discussed with our Chinesecounterparts the need to respond to the UN’s appeal for contributions to support the humanitarian needs of the people. The best course of action remains to unite the Security Council behind real consequences if President Assad continues to brutalize his own people and threaten the security of the region.
I agree with the Foreign Minister that the communique issued as a result of our meeting in Geneva is a very useful framework for moving forward, and we will continue to consult to see whether that is something that the Security Council itself could adopt as a message to the government and the opposition about what is expected.
Meanwhile, the United States will continue to work with a growing group of likeminded nations to support the Syrian opposition and plan for the day after Assad goes, because we are convinced that he will. Thank you.
*MODERATOR:* (Via interpreter.) Final question, Xinhua News Agency.
*QUESTION:* (Via interpreter.) I have a question for Foreign Minister Yang. We’ve taken note of the repeated statements from both China and the United States on various occasions that both sides are committed to building a cooperative partnership and to exploring a new type of major country relationship. But we also see that from time to time the two countries have disputes on some economic and trade issues. Some people even posit that confrontation between Chinaand the United States is inevitable. How do you look at this?
*FOREIGN MINISTER YANG: *(Via interpreter.) Before answering this question, please allow me to make some additional points regarding the Iranian nuclear issue.
The UN Secretary General and the Arab League have appointed a new Joint Special Envoy for Syria, Mr. Brahimi. Recently, I talked with him on the phone. I said in the phone call that China fully supports his mediation efforts, and we hope all the parties will also support his mediation efforts so that there can be an appropriate and peaceful solution to the situation in Syria.
We hope that members of the international community will bring their positive influence to bear and get the various parties in Syria to adopt a realistic, calm, and constructive attitude so that there can be an early beginning of political dialogue and transition in that country. A Syria that is peaceful, stable, and enjoying development, bringing benefits to the people of not just that country but also the region.
And we pay very close attention to the humanitarian issue surrounding Syria. We have already channeled humanitarian assistance to some people in Syria in plight, and we will provide assistance to the Syrian refugees in Lebanon, Jordan, and some other countries.
This year marks the 40th anniversary of Mr. Nixon’s visit to China and the issuance of the Shanghai Communique. In these 40 years, the China-U.S. relationship has gone through a lot, but generally speaking it has been continuously moving forward, bringing tangible benefits to the people of our two countries and contributing to peace, stability, and development in the world. President Hu Jintao and President Obama have had 12 face-to-face meetings, and they have reached important consensus on working together to push forward a China-U.S. cooperative partnership based on mutual respect and mutual benefit and on working together to explore the construction of a new type of major country relationship. This points the direction for the further development of our bilateral relationship. The various government departments in both countries should redouble efforts to implement this joint vision of our presidents.
The economic relationship between China and the United States is an important driving force of our overall relationship. In the economic exchanges between two large nations such as ours, it is quite inevitable that there might be some disputes or even frictions. We hope that both sides will act in the spirit of openness and appropriately handle and resolve these issues through consultation. Actually, the two sides have already made some important progress in that regard.
China and the United States differ from each other in our histories, our cultures, ideologies, social systems, and actual national conditions. So it’s impossible for our two countries to see eye to eye on all the issues, but we believe that the mutual respect for each other’s core interests and major concerns is an important precondition for the steady and smooth development of our bilateral relationship. If we can stay focused on that, then we can overcome various disputes or frictions and their distraction to the relationship and maintain the dialogue and cooperation, which is the primary facet of our relationship and to make sure this relationship will continue to be mutually beneficial going forward.
It is apparent to all that China has made important progress in its human rights. On the basis of mutual respect and nonintervention in other’s internal affairs, we’d like to continue to have human rights dialogue with the United States and some other countries.
Like many countries, China is also a victim of cyber attacks. We’d like to work with the United States and some others to step up our communication and cooperation with respect to ensuring cyber security.
And China is making continuous efforts towards the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula and the maintenance of peace and stability on the Peninsula. We support the efforts of the relevant countries to maintain and increase dialogue with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.
In short, history and facts has repeatedly proven that China and the United States have interwoven interests, and cooperation will benefit both sides where confrontation will hurt both sides. It has been China’s clear choice to work to promote our cooperative partnership with the United States on the basis of the three joint communiques and joint statements. This will serve the fundamental interests of people in both countries, and it is what the international community expects us to do in the 21st century.
Thank you.
*MODERATOR:* (Via interpreter.) This brings us to the end of the joint press conference. I want to thank Foreign Minister Yang and Secretary Clinton.
This is why China will never be invited to the TPP Party: Economic, Energy, Agricultural and Trade Issues: Fostering a Rules-Based System in the U.S.-China Economic Relationship<http://www.state.gov/e/eb/rls/rm/2012/197015.htm> 08/29/2012 03:23 PM EDT Fostering a Rules-Based System in the U.S.-China Economic Relationship Remarks Jose W. Fernandez Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs American Chamber of Commerce Hong Kong August 3, 2012 ------------------------------ *I. Introduction and Roadmap* Thank you very much. It’s great to be here today. A long time ago, I wrote a travel article about Hong Kong in a travel magazine that you will be happy to hear is now defunct. Two things stood out to me then, the juxtaposition of Western and Asian cultures in Hong Kong, and the energy that makes my hometown of New York City feel like a country town. While a lot has changed dramatically here since my first visit, these two things have remained constant throughout the decades. Hong Kong is truly Asia’s World City and sits as a symbol of prosperity in a region rich in trade, innovation, and ideas. As Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said here in Hong Kong almost exactly a year ago, “increasingly, economic progress depends on strong diplomatic ties and diplomatic progress depends on strong economic ties.” This is why Hong Kong is so vital. *Its history and geography make it inevitably a bridge between East and West, and its diplomatic and economic importance to the United States cannot be overstated.* It is inspiring how companies here from all around the globe compete in a transparent system, subject to good governance, rule of law, freedom of the press, an independent judiciary, and a vibrant civil society. This open, competitive system has served the U.S.-Hong Kong economic relationship well. There are more than 1,300 U.S.-affiliated companies in Hong Kong, and AmCham Hong Kong is one of the most active chambers in Asia. We are grateful for all the energetic work of the AmCham members here. We very much value your leadership, expertise, and contributions to global economic growth, as well as the role you play in bringing American businesses to Hong Kong and Asia. In no small part because of your efforts, today Hong Kong is the United States’ 10th largest export market for goods. It is also our 7th largest market for agricultural products. In fact, in the past two years, U.S. exports to Hong Kong grew the fastest—at 73 percent—among all of our top 20 export markets. *II. U.S.-Hong Kong Economic Relationship and the Pivot to Asia* Secretary Clinton’s visit here last year and my visit now are part of a broader and deeper economic relationship between the United States and the countries of the Asia-Pacific; a relationship that is key as we in the United States are pursuing our own economic recovery and growth. And as we look to promote recovery and growth at home in the United States, we also realize that we depend on our economic relations abroad. In this part of the world, our involvement is nothing new. The United States has long been deeply engaged in developments in the Asia-Pacific region. Our contributions to regional security have played a role in creating the conditions that brought more people out of poverty faster than anywhere else in history. That engagement continues today. We know that the futures of the United States and the Asia-Pacific are inextricably linked. And as Secretary Clinton highlighted, we are not just a diplomatic or military power here. We are also an economic force. In 2010 alone, our exports to the Pacific Rim were $320 billion, supporting 850,000 American jobs. *III. U.S.-China Economic Relationship* Now we cannot talk about U.S. economic relations with Asia without discussing our economic relationship with China.China’s economic achievement in recent years is remarkable and is justifiably a source of pride as it has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty, urbanized, and modernized. China is returning to the world stage in a big way, with millennia of experience as a global leader behind it. The economic relationship between the United States and China provides significant benefits to both our nations, just as it does to Hong Kong. China has benefitted greatly from its integration into the global, rules-based trading system that the United States championed following the end of World War II. As the world’s second largest and fastest-growing major economy, China also offers huge opportunities for U.S. businesses, workers, farmers, and ranchers. But as we work toward a system that both of our countries can compete in and prosper from, as our futures are ever-more linked, we need to address challenges to our common goals of prosperity and economic growth. We need to agree on the basic rules that apply to all countries in the international commercial arena. For our part, we are committed to expanding opportunities for U.S. companies to export to and do business in China. And this means that our policies pursue four basic objectives that I’d like to talk to you about today. These are (1) a strong commitment to protection and enforcement of intellectual property rights, (2) adherence to the full array of norms that govern international trade and finance, (3) the creation of a level playing field in which all companies can compete under the same rules, and (4) expanding mutual investment. I would like to touch on each of these four tenets individually before closing with the tools we have at our disposal to encourage progress. (1) Intellectual Property Rights Improving the protection and enforcement of intellectual property rights—or IPR—in China remains a top priority for the United States. In fact, I’d say no issue is more fundamental to maintaining a mutually beneficial trade relationship between both our countries, not just the U.S. China’s own innovators and creative industries seek, and would benefit greatly from, stronger IPR protection and enforcement. In addition, a strong intellectual property regime is critical to ensuring that safe products reach both U.S. and Chinese citizens. And of course, strong IPR protection standards and enforcement mechanisms, similar to those we have adopted under the World Trade Organization, are vital to bilateral trade and investment. But leaving aside its importance to international trade generally, IPR observance is also critical to the U.S. economy and our recovery. And that’s why we are so adamant that this is an issue that needs to be addressed. According to a 2010 report on trade, Chinese intellectual property rights infringement and indigenous innovation policies largely block U.S. companies from China’s enormous government procurement opportunities, which I will discuss shortly. In 2009, these policies cost the U.S. economy nearly $50 billion in sales, royalties, or license fees. The report also found that if Chinaraised its intellectual property rights standards to those of the United States, it could translate into well over 900,000 new jobs in U.S. intellectual property intensive firms. As you can see, the stakes for the United States in maintaining a rule-based system for IPR are extremely high. But instead we face an issue that colors our economic relationship and that we need to overcome. Corporate spying or trade secret theft has led to a huge number of losses for U.S. companies operating in China in recent years. Companies doing business in biotechnology, telecommunications, and nanotechnology have had billions of dollars worth of technology stolen from servers and funneled to Chinese companies that use that technology without legal rights. One U.S. company was the victim of Chinese hackers who stole technology that cost $1 billion and 20 years to develop. Another company lost 40 percent of its value in a single day and 84 percent within five months, after theft of its technology came to light. This pattern does not just harm the individual companies; it discourages other companies from doing business in China. Ultimately, it hinders China’s ability to attract valuable technological investment. A related concern for us is the high rates of online piracy, business software theft, and market access barriers that hinder consumers’ purchases of legitimate goods. For example, a recent report from the Business Software Alliance showed that the software piracy rate in China was 77%, at a cost to producers of nearly $9 billion, while in Hong Kong the rate was 43%, which was only slightly above the global average of 42%. We are also very concerned with the continued trend of policies indicating China’s willingness to encourage domestic or “indigenous” innovation at the expense of foreign innovation and technologies. Let’s be clear: piracy is a euphemism for theft, plain and simple. Nevertheless, we also welcome positive steps China has taken in recent years. At last year’s Strategic and Economic Dialogue, for example, China agreed to strengthen its efforts to protect IPR in several areas. One of these was by intensifying efforts to ensure that Chinese government agencies at all levels use legitimate software. We are also very pleased to join China and 45 other countries in the signing of the World Intellectual Property Organization’s Audiovisual Performers Treaty, also known as the Beijing Treaty. This treaty will expand protections to both U.S. and Chinese performers. (2) Norms and Government Procurement A second basic objective of our policy is to insist that China adhere to the full array of norms and standards that govern international trade and finance. This includes fulfilling its commitment to join the WTO Government Procurement Agreement, or GPA. Government procurement represents one of the most rapidly expanding areas of opportunity for traders of goods and services. All around the world, governments are announcing programs to spend tens or even hundreds of billions of dollars on new infrastructure investments. In fact, in many countries the government typically is the biggest single buyer of goods and services, with the value of these government purchases worth, on average, 10 to 15 percent of a country's GDP. So government tenders are big business throughout the world, including the United States. China committed to join the GPA during its accession to the WTO in 2001. It formally initiated negotiations in 2007 and submitted its most recent market access offer in November 2011. In this May’s U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue, China committed to submit a new and comprehensive revised offer that responds to the requests of all he GPA parties, before the end of the year. The United States and other GPA parties are focused on ensuring that China’s offer is in line with coverage offered by other parties to this agreement. Opening one of the largest and fastest growing procurement markets would provide substantial opportunities for international suppliers, including those from Hong Kong, which is also a GPA party. In short, 11 years after China committed to joining the GPA, the time has come to fulfill that commitment. (3) Insistence on Competitive Neutrality and a Level Playing Field Third, we continue to press China’s state-owned enterprises to act more like commercial enterprises. If China wants to have state-owned enterprises, that is purely China’s own choice. But if those enterprises receive benefits that give them an artificial competitive advantage, then we have concerns, because we believe that the rules of economic engagement should apply equally to all companies, private or state-owned. No company should be given special benefits, such as subsidized export credit, discounted factory inputs like cheaper energy or land, below-market loan rates, or exemption from antitrust laws, unless all companies have access to those benefits. These benefits and preferential treatment distort the playing field for other companies. And why do we care if the playing field is distorted? Because we want companies to win based on better performance, business practices, and innovation, not based on government support. History shows that when companies based on external assistance and not on their own merits, they often have unearned competitive advantages and ultimately this leads to inefficient, bloated, and uncompetitive firms. As Secretary Clinton stated recently, U.S. companies today have the best, most productive workers in the world. They have the best technology, the most talented innovators. And many of them are sitting on large cash reserves. They play in the most competitive markets and win. Yet they are still disadvantaged relative to certain foreign state-owned enterprises, because they have to pay taxes, dividends, rent, get loans at market rates, and still remain competitive in global markets. Our strategy to meet the state capitalism challenge involves a deployment of a robust set of policy tools that will level the playing field and open markets for fair competition. We are working to implement free trade agreements, bilateral investment treaties, and WTO accession commitments. These policies will counter measures abroad that distort markets and limit market access and competition. (4) Investment Finally, mutual investment in both of our countries will allow us to balance the economic interests of what are—and will be for the foreseeable future—the two largest economies in the world. We want U.S. companies to expand their businesses to China and we want Chinese investment in the United States. We made good progress during the U.S.-China Investment Forum in Washington, DC in April, and we hope to continue that trend. The United States consistently ranks at the top of most major indicators for its attractive business and investment climate. The FDI flow into the United States in 2010 was more than double the flow into any other country at nearly $230 billion. This number was nearly 50 percent greater than FDI flow in 2009. In order to continue this promising trend, President Obama launched SelectUSA in January 2011. SelectUSA coordinates government activities in order to complement the activities of our 50 states, which are the primary drivers of economic development, to attract investment to the United States. If you are interested in investing in the United States, we and SelectUSA can direct your queries to the different states’ economic development agencies, making sure you get connected to the right partners for your investment selection process. We see a great opportunity for more investment from China and Hong Kong, which is why the U.S. Government designated both places as top markets for SelectUSA outreach. For example, from 2005 to 2010, China was America’s fastest-growing source of FDI at over 50 percent average growth per year. Meanwhile Hong Kong’s $4.3 billion of FDI in the United States is only slightly less than Mainland China’s $6 billion in FDI. One positive example of Mainland Chineseinvestment was Dalian Wangda Group’s decision in May this year to purchase America’s second-largest movie theater company – AMC theaters – for $2.6 billion. We want to continue this trend, and in that vein, I want to highlight the important Chinese Overseas Investment Summit in Hong Kong on August 22nd and 23rd. In particular, on the afternoon of August 23rd, AmCham and U.S. service providers will have dedicated sessions to discuss the nuts and bolts of investing in the United States. Since I have been in Hong Kong I have heard much about the final point I would like to speak on. It is the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States, or CFIUS. I often hear the misconception that CFIUS is some all-powerful organization determined to impede any foreign investment. This is obviously not true based on the numbers I just cited. CFIUS is simply an interagency committee of the U.S. government – of which I am a member – authorized to review mergers, acquisitions, and takeovers from foreign companies that could affect the national security of the United States. It does not cover new or greenfield investments in the United States. And by law CFIUS can only look at national security, not economic or other policies, and it must apply the same rules and clearance standards to all investors, regardless of country. Let me repeat, CFIUS only considers national security and does not consider economic or other policies, and it must apply the same rules and clearance standards to all investors, regardless of country. CFIUS regularly clears investments from both private and state-owned Chinese companies, often within a month. All of its rules are public and explained in detail. Let me give a few facts. When a potential business deal is submitted to CFIUS the committee has 30 days to review the case, and can ask for a 45 day extension if needed. Of the thousands of foreign investments into the United States from 2008 to 2010, only 313 deals required CFIUS review. Of those only 16 required any form of mitigation or adjustment to be approved. CFIUS is transparent, limited in scope, and equally applied to all foreign investments. I wish all countries had such a focused and streamlined foreign direct investment process. *IV. Tools For Progress* This is certainly not the first time I am raising these four key issues—intellectual property rights, government procurement, a level playing field, and mutual investment. Fortunately, we have good vehicles for progress through steady and constructive engagement in all of these areas. One of these is the Strategic and Economic Dialogue I alluded to earlier. Our countries recently held the fourth Strategic and Economic Dialogue in Beijing in early May. The U.S. remains committed to a long-term investment in building mutual trust and understanding between China and the United States, and we see the S&ED as an important tool to achieve results. And we need progress because while these problems aren’t new, they can’t continue forever. In May China made key commitments to (1) improving market access and leveling the playing field, (2) improving intellectual property rights enforcement and protection, (3) reducing trade secret misappropriation, and (4) committing to treating IPR owned or developed in the United States the same as IPR owned or developed in China. China also agreed to intensive discussions on the implementation of its commitment that technology transfer is to be decided by firms independently and not to be used by the Chinese government as a pre-condition for market access. We welcome these commitments and look forward to concrete steps in the right direction in the near future. They will go a long way in addressing the issue I’ve just discussed. *V. Conclusion* Using vehicles such as the Strategic and Economic Dialogue, we can work through our differences to strengthen our commonalities. Neither the United States nor China can fulfill its economic potential without the cooperation of the other. We are global partners, and in that partnership, all of you here in Hong Kong are indispensable players. Thank you.
Dear All,
From discussing regional politics, now I would suggest that we zoom into the technical options for protecting digital content otherwise referred to as Digital Rights Management Systems (DRMs). We know that the Internet has brought access to knowledge, markets, culture in a way that has transcended what it's original architects ever imagined.
We know that music, commodities that are traded over the net are digital products/content and many argue to be classified as services (but I will not go into the politicisation of terminologies and semantics). I like how CISCO puts it across "*The proliferation of technologies that enable mass-market digital copying and analog/digital conversion, combined with file-sharing software and peer-to-peer networks that are easily accessible via high-speed Internet connections, have led to increased concerns about distribution of unauthorized copies of copyrighted media. In particular, the movie and music industries continue to search for technical and regulatory solutions to combat digital piracy."* See: http://www.cisco.com/web/about/gov/issues/ip_rights.html The analysis done by EFF https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2012/08/tpp-creates-liabilities-isps-and-put-y... as first shared on this list by Carlton highlights a few critical points: (1) Three Strikes Policies and Laws require termination of access; (2) Places a requirement on Internet Intermediaries (ISPs, Network Providers) to monitor your content and filter all copyright infringements; (3)Forces Internet Intermediaries to disclose identities of their customers to IP Rights stakeholders on an allegation of copyright infringements [in normal speak, extends law enforcement capabilities to just about anyone claiming IPR] There are many other threats but for the sake of continuing the discussion, I will say this. There are all sorts of implications on Privacy and Proxy Servers etc and I fear that someone just opened Pandora's Box. For the developing world, if you think the cost of filtering by your ISP or Network Provider is already high, it's going to get even higher because as it will cost the ISPs and of course that cost will be passed down to us consumers, ordinary internet users. There has been much advocacy and Press Releases on regulating the Internet. The TPP is a Treaty and it is a Treaty that directly threatens access.....
Dear All, Currently the TPP negotiations, the 14th round is being held in Leesburg, Virginia from September 6-15, 2012 . Today is the day allocated for those who have registered to take part in the Stakeholders discussions. You had to register to participate. You can visit: http://www.ustr.gov/tpp to access highlights and overviews and actual FTAs. It has been reported from other news sources that His Excellency B. Obama wants to conclude the TPP by this year's end. There is an interesting article by Gordon Campbell, see: http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/HL1209/S00040/gordon-campbell-on-apec-and-its... Kind Regards, Sala
participants (3)
-
Carlton Samuels -
Hong Xue -
Salanieta T. Tamanikaiwaimaro